Indigenous Knowledge
ammar ahmadi; Vahid Rashidvash; Yaqub Sharbatian; ali Baseri; Mohammad Hadi Mansour Lakoraj
Abstract
The main objective of present research is to explore indigenous knowledge of traditional medicine within the beliefs of people, particularly rural women in the village of Alni, Meshkin Shahr. The methodology employed in this study is Malinowski's simultaneous analysis, interpreting narrative interviews ...
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The main objective of present research is to explore indigenous knowledge of traditional medicine within the beliefs of people, particularly rural women in the village of Alni, Meshkin Shahr. The methodology employed in this study is Malinowski's simultaneous analysis, interpreting narrative interviews through the hermeneutic method. In essence, these narratives serve as spoken documents, anthropologically analyzed and interpreted through hermeneutics. The distinctive contribution of this research lies in its scarcity, addressing the fundamental concern of the research team regarding the limited research output in the realm of indigenous knowledge of traditional medicine in Iran's rural communities. The outcome of this research underscores the development of the traditional medicine industry within the framework of its indigenous knowledge, contributing to addressing tourism-related issues and attracting tourism to rural areas, notably the village of Alni in Meshkin Shahr. Another pivotal consideration is the realization of economic benefits and social well-being for rural families, a crucial factor impacting the social fabric of this village.
mohammad hossein papoli yazdi; Abbas Jalali
Abstract
Rural issues are very complex and deep issues, most of which are penetrated by the socio-economic-cultural structure of the villages and become part of the rural living and livelihood components. If you look at the rural issues with a simple, one-way perspective (eg, purely economic), you will ...
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Rural issues are very complex and deep issues, most of which are penetrated by the socio-economic-cultural structure of the villages and become part of the rural living and livelihood components. If you look at the rural issues with a simple, one-way perspective (eg, purely economic), you will not be able to understand their depth. Behind many of the idioms and words of the village lies a lot of deep-rooted culture. The current materialist world, and those who see the world, the city, the countryside, and the nomads as merely economic, statistical, rational, and statistical accounts, and seek development and growth through mere figures, are doomed to naivety and simplism. If all things, especially cultural-social relations, were viewed with pure economic vision, the culture of the superior economy would gradually overshadow the whole world. It will lead to nonsense, the absurdity and the unity of life everywhere and everywhere. Walnuts are a word and a fruit. In the statistics books against the word walnut, a few more figures are not mentioned. For example, Iran's walnut production in the year 1367 was 55 thousand tons or its production in Khorasan in the years 1372 and 1373 was 6613 and 4952 tons, respectively. But walnuts, especially in mountainous areas (such as dates in warm regions and olives in the Mediterranean), are an important cultural and social factor that has a very long history. Those who are familiar with the school of construction or structuralism know what part of being a constituent means.
Morteza Farhadi
Abstract
In the long list of Iranian unpleasant traits! , the “untiming” and the irregularity has been considered as a significant component in (under)development and it is necessary to know whether this phenomenon is an emerging issue or has it always been for Iranians? If it is always, where is ...
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In the long list of Iranian unpleasant traits! , the “untiming” and the irregularity has been considered as a significant component in (under)development and it is necessary to know whether this phenomenon is an emerging issue or has it always been for Iranians? If it is always, where is the root of this negligence? And if it is new, the reason(s) that our nation was struck with such neglect, descend from what, where and why? Is it true that the root of the negligence in timing comes from the rural culture that has “incarnated” in our cities? If this is true, what happened to the villagers in Iran and since when Iranian villagers have become a reference group for townspeople?! If this is a true statement that this situation is the result of and peasant livelihood and farming, how is the culture of production, agriculture, horticulture, animal husbandry, beekeeping, aviculture and fishing, each with geographical orders and also plants and animal organism timing requirements over several thousand years, have been adapted with such “untiming” and disorder? Are the “untiming” and the irregularity derives from a consumer culture or a participatory one? Are today's Iranians affected by the subculture of rural production and their indigenous endemic culture, or influenced by consumer culture and exogenous factors? And finally, is the negligence about time and order in Iranian genetics or in their culture? And if it is in their culture and history, what are the origins of this “untiming” and cultural disarray?
Morteza Salemi Ghamsari; Hossein Sadeghi
Abstract
By the time of the 1300s, the stamp was used instead of today's signature. Everyone had his own personal seal and each stamped paper was legally considered as an official document. One of the most common stamps in the villages was the Mohr e Kharman. It was a common practice to use the stamp of ...
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By the time of the 1300s, the stamp was used instead of today's signature. Everyone had his own personal seal and each stamped paper was legally considered as an official document. One of the most common stamps in the villages was the Mohr e Kharman. It was a common practice to use the stamp of a trench, a harvest, to keep others from reaching wheatgrass in the village. In this way, when harvesting and preparing wheat, the representative of the owner or the owner was present at each fields in the village, and sealed the harvest with a wooden stamp, so that nobody would snap at night. The stamp of a trench is an example of a locksmith whose guarantee of solidity is not an object or part of its own; the kind is not material and no technology has been used to make it. In his guarantee of solidarity, Mohr kharman enjoyed the strength of the land system. Here, an unwritten and unofficial rule, found a custom and tradition narrative and concentrated in the existence of an object. It was so that the seals, were guardians without ears and eyes, and in addition to the backing of the ruling system, they also had the backing of the community's faith. The sacred and blessed roles and words on all kinds of seals and on the harvest seals have had such a function. This article applies ethnographic method and interviews with two local and academic informants and has used books that have, though little, addressed this subject.
